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What Is Animistic Religious Art and Architecture Look Like

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Religious belief that objects, places and creatures all possess a distinct spiritual essence

Animism (from Latin: anima , 'breath, spirit, life')[one] [two] is the belief that objects, places, and creatures all possess a distinct spiritual essence.[iii] [iv] [five] [6] Potentially, animism perceives all things—animals, plants, rocks, rivers, atmospheric condition systems, human handiwork, and maybe even words—as animated and alive. Animism is used in the anthropology of faith equally a term for the conventionalities system of many Indigenous peoples,[7] especially in contrast to the relatively more recent development of organised religions.[8] Animism focuses on the metaphysical universe, with specific focus on the concept of the immaterial soul.[9]

Although each culture has its ain unlike mythologies and rituals, animism is said to describe the virtually common, foundational thread of ethnic peoples' "spiritual" or "supernatural" perspectives. The animistic perspective is and so widely held and inherent to most indigenous peoples that they often practise not even have a word in their languages that corresponds to "animism" (or fifty-fifty "organized religion");[10] the term is an anthropological construct.

Largely due to such ethnolinguistic and cultural discrepancies, opinion has differed on whether animism refers to an bequeathed mode of experience common to indigenous peoples around the globe, or to a full-fledged organized religion in its own correct. The currently accepted definition of animism was but developed in the tardily 19th century (1871) by Sir Edward Tylor. It is "one of anthropology's earliest concepts, if not the first".[11]

Animism encompasses the beliefs that all fabric phenomena take agency, that there exists no categorical distinction betwixt the spiritual and physical (or cloth) world and that soul or spirit or sentience exists non just in humans but also in other animals, plants, rocks, geographic features such equally mountains or rivers or other entities of the natural environment: water sprites, vegetation deities, tree spirits, etc. Animism may farther attribute a life strength to abstruse concepts such as words, true names, or metaphors in mythology. Some members of the non-tribal world besides consider themselves animists (such every bit author Daniel Quinn, sculptor Lawson Oyekan, and many contemporary Pagans).[12]

Etymology [edit]

Sir Edward Tylor had initially wanted to describe the phenomenon as spiritualism, but realised that such would cause confusion with the modern religion of spiritualism, which was then prevalent beyond Western nations.[thirteen] He adopted the term animism from the writings of German scientist Georg Ernst Stahl,[14] who had developed the term animismus in 1708 as a biological theory that souls formed the vital principle and that the normal phenomena of life and the abnormal phenomena of disease could be traced to spiritual causes.[15]

The first known usage in English appeared in 1819.[xvi]

History [edit]

"Old animism" definitions [edit]

Before anthropological perspectives, which have since been termed the old animism, were concerned with knowledge on what is live and what factors make something live.[17] The old animism assumed that animists were individuals who were unable to empathise the difference between persons and things.[18] Critics of the old animism have accused it of preserving "colonialist and dualist worldviews and rhetoric".[nineteen]

Edward Tylor's definition [edit]

Edward Tylor developed animism as an anthropological theory.

The idea of animism was adult past anthropologist Sir Edward Tylor through his 1871 book Primitive Culture,[1] in which he defined it as "the full general doctrine of souls and other spiritual beings in general". Co-ordinate to Tylor, animism often includes "an idea of pervading life and will in nature;"[20] a belief that natural objects other than humans have souls. This formulation was little unlike from that proposed by Auguste Comte as "fetishism",[21] merely the terms at present have distinct meanings.

For Tylor, animism represented the earliest form of religion, being situated within an evolutionary framework of religion that has developed in stages and which volition ultimately lead to humanity rejecting religion birthday in favor of scientific rationality.[22] Thus, for Tylor, animism was fundamentally seen as a mistake, a basic error from which all organized religion grew.[22] He did not believe that animism was inherently illogical, simply he suggested that it arose from early humans' dreams and visions and thus was a rational system. Nevertheless, it was based on erroneous, unscientific observations most the nature of reality.[23] Stringer notes that his reading of Primitive Culture led him to believe that Tylor was far more sympathetic in regard to "primitive" populations than many of his contemporaries and that Tylor expressed no conventionalities that at that place was any difference between the intellectual capabilities of "savage" people and Westerners.[4]

The idea that there had once been "one universal course of primitive organized religion" (whether labeled animism, totemism, or shamanism) has been dismissed as "unsophisticated" and "erroneous" past archaeologist Timothy Insoll, who stated that "it removes complexity, a precondition of religion at present, in all its variants".[24]

[edit]

Tylor'due south definition of animism was part of a growing international debate on the nature of "primitive society" by lawyers, theologians, and philologists. The debate defined the field of research of a new science: anthropology. By the cease of the 19th century, an orthodoxy on "primitive gild" had emerged, but few anthropologists notwithstanding would take that definition. The "19th-century armchair anthropologists" argued, "primitive society" (an evolutionary category) was ordered past kinship and divided into exogamous descent groups related by a series of union exchanges. Their religion was animism, the belief that natural species and objects had souls.

With the development of private property, the descent groups were displaced by the emergence of the territorial state. These rituals and beliefs eventually evolved over time into the vast assortment of "developed" religions. According to Tylor, the more scientifically advanced a society became, the fewer members of that society believed in animism. All the same, whatsoever remnant ideologies of souls or spirits, to Tylor, represented "survivals" of the original animism of early humanity.[25]

The term ["animism"] clearly began as an expression of a nest of insulting approaches to indigenous peoples and the earliest putatively religious humans. It was and sometimes remains, a colonialist slur.

—Graham Harvey, 2005.[26]

Confounding animism with totemism [edit]

In 1869 (iii years afterward Tylor proposed his definition of animism), Edinburgh lawyer John Ferguson McLennan, argued that the animistic thinking evident in fetishism gave ascent[ colloquialism? ] to a faith he named totemism. Primitive people believed, he argued, that they were descended from the same species as their totemic animal.[21] Subsequent debate by the "armchair anthropologists" (including J. J. Bachofen, Émile Durkheim, and Sigmund Freud) remained focused on totemism rather than animism, with few directly challenging Tylor's definition. Anthropologists "take commonly avoided the outcome of animism and even the term itself rather than revisit this prevalent notion in low-cal of their new and rich ethnographies".[27]

According to anthropologist Tim Ingold, animism shares similarities to totemism but differs in its focus on individual spirit beings which aid to perpetuate life, whereas totemism more typically holds that at that place is a primary source, such as the state itself or the ancestors, who provide the basis to life. Sure indigenous religious groups such as the Australian Aboriginals are more than typically totemic in their worldview, whereas others like the Inuit are more typically animistic.[28]

From his studies into child evolution, Jean Piaget suggested that children were born with an innate animist worldview in which they anthropomorphized inanimate objects and that it was only after that they grew out of this conventionalities.[29] Conversely, from her ethnographic inquiry, Margaret Mead argued the reverse, believing that children were not born with an animist worldview but that they became acculturated to such behavior as they were educated by their society.[29]

Stewart Guthrie saw animism—or "attribution" equally he preferred it—as an evolutionary strategy to aid survival. He argued that both humans and other animal species view inanimate objects equally potentially alive every bit a ways of existence constantly on guard against potential threats.[30] His suggested explanation, notwithstanding, did not deal with the question of why such a belief became key to the religion.[31] In 2000, Guthrie suggested that the "almost widespread" concept of animism was that it was the "attribution of spirits to natural phenomena such as stones and trees".[32]

"New animism" non-archaic definitions [edit]

Many anthropologists ceased using the term animism, deeming it to exist too close to early anthropological theory and religious polemic.[19] However, the term had besides been claimed by religious groups—namely indigenous communities and nature worshipers—who felt that it aptly described their own behavior, and who in some cases actively identified as "animists".[33] It was thus readopted by diverse scholars, who began using the term in a dissimilar way,[xix] placing the focus on knowing how to bear toward other beings, some of whom are non human.[17] As religious studies scholar Graham Harvey stated, while the "old animist" definition had been problematic, the term animism was still "of considerable value as a critical, academic term for a style of religious and cultural relating to the world."[34]

Hallowell and the Ojibwe [edit]

Five Ojibwe chiefs in the 19th century; it was anthropological studies of Ojibwe organized religion that resulted in the development of the "new animism".

The new animism emerged largely from the publications of anthropologist Irving Hallowell, produced on the footing of his ethnographic inquiry amidst the Ojibwe communities of Canada in the mid-20th century.[35] For the Ojibwe encountered by Hallowell, personhood did not require human-likeness, only rather humans were perceived every bit being similar other persons, who for case included rock persons and bear persons.[36] For the Ojibwe, these persons were each wilful beings who gained pregnant and power through their interactions with others; through respectfully interacting with other persons, they themselves learned to "human activity as a person".[36]

Hallowell'south approach to the understanding of Ojibwe personhood differed strongly from prior anthropological concepts of animism.[37] He emphasized the need to challenge the modernist, Western perspectives of what a person is by entering into a dialogue with dissimilar worldwide-views.[36] Hallowell'south approach influenced the work of anthropologist Nurit Bird-David, who produced a scholarly commodity reassessing the idea of animism in 1999.[38] Seven comments from other academics were provided in the journal, debating Bird-David'due south ideas.[39]

Postmodern anthropology [edit]

More recently,[ when? ] postmodern anthropologists are increasingly engaging with the concept of animism. Modernism is characterized by a Cartesian subject-object dualism that divides the subjective from the objective, and culture from nature. In the modernist view, animism is the inverse of scientism, and hence is deemed inherently invalid by some anthropologists. Cartoon on the work of Bruno Latour, some anthropologists question modernist assumptions and theorize that all societies continue to "animate" the globe around them. In contrast to Tylor's reasoning, however, this "animism" is considered to be more than than simply a remnant of archaic thought. More specifically, the "animism" of modernity is characterized by humanity'due south "professional subcultures", as in the ability to treat the globe as a detached entity within a delimited sphere of activity.

Human being beings go on to create personal relationships with elements of the aforementioned objective world, such as pets, cars, or teddy-bears, which are recognized as subjects. Every bit such, these entities are "approached as communicative subjects rather than the inert objects perceived by modernists".[40] These approaches aim to avoid the modernist assumption that the environment consists of a physical globe singled-out from the earth of humans, as well as the modernist conception of the person existence composed dualistically from a body and a soul.[27]

Nurit Bird-David argues that:[27]

Positivistic ideas almost the meaning of 'nature', 'life' and 'personhood' misdirected these previous attempts to empathise the local concepts. Classical theoreticians (it is argued) attributed their own modernist ideas of cocky to 'primitive peoples' while asserting that the 'archaic peoples' read their thought of self into others!

She explains that animism is a "relational epistemology" rather than a failure of archaic reasoning. That is, self-identity among animists is based on their relationships with others, rather than any distinctive features of the "self". Instead of focusing on the essentialized, modernist self (the "individual"), persons are viewed equally bundles of social relationships ("dividuals"), some of which include "superpersons" (i.e. not-humans).

Stewart Guthrie expressed criticism of Bird-David'southward attitude towards animism, believing that it promulgated the view that "the world is in large measure out whatever our local imagination makes it". This, he felt, would event in anthropology abandoning "the scientific project".[41]

Like Bird-David, Tim Ingold argues that animists do not see themselves as separate from their environment:[42]

Hunter-gatherers do non, equally a rule, arroyo their environment equally an external earth of nature that has to be 'grasped' intellectually … indeed the separation of heed and nature has no place in their idea and practice.

Rane Willerslev extends the statement by noting that animists reject this Cartesian dualism and that the animist cocky identifies with the world, "feeling at in one case within and apart from it and then that the two glide ceaselessly in and out of each other in a sealed excursion".[43] The animist hunter is thus aware of himself as a human hunter, but, through mimicry is able to assume the viewpoint, senses, and sensibilities of his prey, to exist i with information technology.[44] Shamanism, in this view, is an everyday try to influence spirits of ancestors and animals by mirroring their behaviors every bit the hunter does his prey.

Ethical and ecological understanding [edit]

Cultural ecologist and philosopher David Abram promotes an ethical and ecological understanding of animism grounded in the phenomenology of sensory feel. In his books The Spell of the Sensuous and Becoming Animate being, Abram suggests that material things are never entirely passive in our directly perceptual experience, holding rather that perceived things actively "solicit our attending" or "call our focus", coaxing the perceiving trunk into an ongoing participation with those things.[45] [46]

In the absenteeism of intervening technologies, he suggests, sensory feel is inherently animistic in that it discloses a material field that is animate and self-organizing from the beginning. Drawing upon contemporary cognitive and natural scientific discipline, as well equally upon the perspectival worldviews of various indigenous oral cultures, Abram proposes a richly pluralist and story-based cosmology in which matter is alive. He suggests that such a relational ontology is in close accordance with our spontaneous perceptual experience; it would depict the states back to our senses and to the primacy of the sensuous terrain, enjoining a more respectful and ethical relation to the more-than-homo community of animals, plants, soils, mountains, waters, and weather-patterns that materially sustains usa.[45] [46]

In contrast to a long-standing tendency in the Western social sciences, which commonly provide rational explanations of animistic experience, Abram develops an animistic account of reason itself. He holds that civilized reason is sustained just by intensely animistic participation betwixt human beings and their ain written signs. For case, equally soon as we turn our gaze toward the alphabetic letters written on a folio or a screen, we "come across what they say"—the messages, that is, seem to speak to usa—much as spiders, trees, gushing rivers and lichen-encrusted boulders once spoke to our oral ancestors. For Abram, reading can usefully be understood as an intensely full-bodied form of animism, ane that effectively eclipses all of the other, older, more spontaneous forms of animistic participation in which we once engaged.

To tell the story in this manner—to provide an animistic account of reason, rather than the other way around—is to imply that animism is the wider and more inclusive term and that oral, mimetic modes of experience still underlie, and support, all our literate and technological modes of reflection. When reflection's rootedness in such actual, participatory modes of experience is entirely unacknowledged or unconscious, cogitating reason becomes dysfunctional, unintentionally destroying the corporeal, sensuous globe that sustains information technology.[47]

Relation to the concept of 'I-thou' [edit]

Religious studies scholar Graham Harvey divers animism equally the belief "that the earth is total of persons, merely some of whom are human, and that life is always lived in relationship with others".[17] He added that information technology is therefore "concerned with learning how to be a good person in respectful relationships with other persons".[17]

In his Handbook of Contemporary Animism (2013), Harvey identifies the animist perspective in line with Martin Buber's "I-thou" equally opposed to "I-it". In such, Harvey says, the animist takes an I-thou arroyo to relating to the world, whereby objects and animals are treated as a "thousand" rather than as an "it".[48]

Religion [edit]

A tableau presenting figures of various cultures filling in mediator-similar roles, often being termed as "shaman" in the literature.

There is ongoing[ when? ] disagreement (and no full general consensus) equally to whether animism is merely a atypical, broadly encompassing religious belief[49] or a worldview in and of itself, comprising many various mythologies constitute worldwide in many diverse cultures.[fifty] [51] This too raises a controversy regarding the ethical claims animism may or may non make:[ co-ordinate to whom? ] whether animism ignores questions of ethics birthday;[52] or, by endowing various not-human elements of nature with spirituality or personhood,[53] in fact promotes a circuitous ecological ethics.[54]

Concepts [edit]

Stardom from pantheism [edit]

Animism is not the same as pantheism, although the 2 are sometimes confused. Moreover, some religions are both pantheistic and animistic. 1 of the principal differences is that while animists believe everything to be spiritual in nature, they practice not necessarily see the spiritual nature of everything in beingness equally existence united (monism), the fashion pantheists do. As a event, animism puts more emphasis on the uniqueness of each individual soul. In pantheism, everything shares the same spiritual essence, rather than having singled-out spirits or souls.[55] [56]

Fetishism / totemism [edit]

In many animistic world views, the human being is oftentimes regarded as on a roughly equal footing with other animals, plants, and natural forces.[57]

African indigenous religions [edit]

Traditional African religions: most religious traditions of Sub-Saharan Africa, which are basically a complex grade of animism with polytheistic and shamanistic elements and ancestor worship.[58]

In Due north Africa, the traditional Berber religion includes the traditional polytheistic, animist, and in some rare cases, shamanistic, religions of the Berber people.

Asian origin religions [edit]

Indian-origin religions [edit]

Sculpture of the Buddha meditating under the Maha Bodhi Tree of Bodh Gaya in India.

During Vat Purnima festival married women tying threads around a banyan tree.

In the Indian-origin religions, namely Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism, the animistic aspects of nature worship and ecological conservation are part of the core conventionalities system.

Matsya Purana, a Hindu text, has a Sanskrit linguistic communication shloka (hymn), which explains the importance of reverence of ecology. Information technology states, "A swimming equals x wells, a reservoir equals x ponds, while a son equals ten reservoirs, and a tree equals x sons."[59] Indian religions worship trees such as the Bodhi Tree and numerous superlative banyan trees, conserve the sacred groves of India, revere the rivers every bit sacred, and worship the mountains and their ecology.

Panchavati are the sacred trees in Indic religions, which are scared groves containing five type of trees, usually called from among the Vata (ficus benghalensis, Banyan), Ashvattha (ficus religiosa, Peepal), Bilva (aegle marmelos, Bengal Quince), Amalaki (phyllanthus emblica, Indian Gooseberry, Amla), Ashoka (Saraca asoca, Ashok), Udumbara (ficus racemosa, Cluster Fig, Gular), Nimba (Azadirachta indica, Neem) and Shami (prosopis spicigera, Indian Mesquite).[60] [61]

The banyan is considered holy in several religious traditions of Bharat. The Ficus benghalensis is the national tree of India.[62] Vat Purnima is a Hindu festival related to the banyan tree. Vat Purnima is observed by married women in Northward Republic of india and in the Western Indian states of Maharashtra, Goa, Gujarat.[63] During the iii days of the calendar month of Jyeshtha in the Hindu calendar (which falls in May–June in the Gregorian calendar) married women observe a fast and necktie threads around a banyan tree and pray for the well-being of their husbands.[64] Thimmamma Marrimanu, sacred to Indian religions, has a branches spread of over 5 acres and listed as the world'southward largest banyan tree in the Guinness Globe Records in 1989.[65] [66]

In Hinduism, the leafage of the banyan tree is said to be the resting place for the god Krishna. In the Bhagavat Gita, Krishna said, "In that location is a banyan tree which has its roots upward and its branches down, and the Vedic hymns are its leaves. One who knows this tree is the knower of the Vedas." (Bg 15.1) Here the material world is described as a tree whose roots are upwards and branches are below. We have experience of a tree whose roots are upwardly: if one stands on the bank of a river or any reservoir of water, he can see that the copse reflected in the h2o are upside down. The branches go downward and the roots upwardly. Similarly, this material earth is a reflection of the spiritual world. The material world is but a shadow of reality. In the shadow in that location is no reality or substantiality, but from the shadow we can empathise that there is substance and reality.

In Buddhism's Pali catechism, the banyan (Pali: nigrodha)[67] is referenced numerous times.[68] Typical metaphors allude to the banyan's epiphytic nature, likening the banyan's supplanting of a host tree as comparable to the manner sensual desire (kāma) overcomes humans.[69]

Mun (also known as Munism or Bongthingism) is the traditional polytheistic, animist, shamanistic, and syncretic religion of the Lepcha people.[70] [71] [72]

Japan and Shinto [edit]

Shinto, including the Ryukyuan faith, are the traditional Japanese folk religion, which has many animist aspects.

Kalash people [edit]

Kalash people of Northern Pakistan follow an ancient animistic religion identified with an ancient form of Hinduism.[73]

Korea [edit]

Muism, the native Korean conventionalities, has many animist aspects.[74]

Philippines' native belief [edit]

A 1922 photograph of an Itneg priestess in the Philippines making an offering to an apdel, a guardian anito spirit of her village that reside in the water-worn stones known as pinaing.[75]

In the indigenous religious beliefs of the Philippines, pre-colonial religions of Philippines and Philippine mythology, the animism is office of their cadre belief as demonstrated by the conventionalities in Anito and Bathala besides as their conservation and veneration of sacred Ethnic Philippine shrines, forests, mountains and sacred grounds.

Anito (lit. '[ancestor] spirit') refers to the various indigenous shamanistic folk religions of the Philippines, led by female person or feminized male person shamans known as babaylan. It includes belief in a spirit world existing alongside and interacting with the textile earth, as well every bit the conventionalities that everything has a spirit, from rocks and copse to animals and humans to natural phenomena.[76] [77]

In ethnic Filipino belief, the Bathala is the omnipotent deity which was derived from Sanskrit word for the Hindu supreme deity bhattara,[78] [79] as one of the avatara ten avatars of Hindu god Vishnu.[80] [81] The omnipotent Bathala too presides over the spirits of ancestors chosen Anito.[82] [83] [84] [85] Anitos serves every bit intermediary betwixt mortals and the divine, such every bit Agni (Hindu) who holds the access to divine realms; hence the reason why they are invoked first and the showtime to receive offerings, regardless of the deity they desire to pray to.[86] [87]

Abrahamic religions [edit]

The Old Testament and the Wisdom literature preach the attendance of God (Jeremiah 23:24; Proverbs fifteen:three; 1 Kings 8:27). God is bodily present in the Incarnation (Christianity) of his Son, Jesus Christ. (Gospel of John 1:14, Colossians 2:9).[88]

With ascension sensation of ecological preservation, recently theologians like Mark I. Wallace argue for animism Christian with a biocentric approach that understands God existence nowadays in all earthly objects, such as animals, trees, and rocks.[89]

Pre-Islamic Arab religion [edit]

Pre-Islamic Arab religion can refer to the traditional polytheistic, animist, and in some rare cases, shamanistic, religions of the peoples of the Arabian people.

Neopagan and New Age movements [edit]

Some Neopagan groups, including Eco-pagans, draw themselves as animists, meaning that they respect the various community of living beings and spirits with whom humans share the earth and cosmos.[ninety]

The New Age movement ordinarily demonstrates animistic traits in asserting the existence of nature spirits.[91]

Shamanism [edit]

A shaman is a person regarded as having admission to, and influence in, the world of benevolent and malevolent spirits, who typically enters into a trance state during a ritual, and practices divination and healing.[92]

According to Mircea Eliade, shamanism encompasses the premise that shamans are intermediaries or messengers betwixt the human world and the spirit worlds. Shamans are said to treat ailments and illnesses by mending the soul. Alleviating traumas affecting the soul or spirit restores the concrete body of the private to residual and wholeness. The shaman also enters supernatural realms or dimensions to obtain solutions to bug afflicting the community. Shamans may visit other worlds or dimensions to bring guidance to misguided souls and to amend illnesses of the human soul acquired by foreign elements. The shaman operates primarily inside the spiritual world, which in turn affects the human world. The restoration of residuum results in the elimination of the disquiet.[93]

Abram, however, articulates a less supernatural and much more ecological understanding of the shaman's function than that propounded past Eliade. Drawing upon his ain field enquiry in Indonesia, Nepal, and the Americas, Abram suggests that in animistic cultures, the shaman functions primarily equally an intermediary between the human community and the more-than-human being community of agile agencies—the local animals, plants, and landforms (mountains, rivers, forests, winds, and weather patterns, all of which are felt to have their own specific sentience). Hence, the shaman'southward ability to heal individual instances of dis-ease (or imbalance) within the man community is a by-product of their more continual practise of balancing the reciprocity betwixt the human community and the wider collective of animate beings in which that community is embedded.[94]

Animist life [edit]

Non-human animals [edit]

Animism entails the belief that "all living things have a soul",[ This quote needs a citation ] and thus a central concern of animist idea surrounds how animals tin can be eaten or otherwise used for humans' subsistence needs.[95] The actions of non-human animals are viewed as "intentional, planned and purposive",[96] and they are understood to be persons because they are both alive and communicate with others.[97]

In animist globe-views, non-human animals are understood to participate in kinship systems and ceremonies with humans, too as having their own kinship systems and ceremonies.[98] Harvey cited an example of an animist understanding of animal beliefs that occurred at a confab held by the Conne River Mi'kmaq in 1996; an eagle flew over the proceedings, circling over the central drum group. The assembled participants chosen out kitpu ('hawkeye'), conveying welcome to the bird and expressing pleasure at its beauty, and they afterwards articulated the view that the eagle'southward actions reflected its blessing of the consequence and the Mi'kmaq'south return to traditional spiritual practices.[99]

Flora [edit]

Some animists also view plant and fungi life every bit persons and interact with them accordingly.[100] The near common meet betwixt humans and these establish and fungi persons is with the onetime's drove of the latter for food, and for animists, this interaction typically has to be carried out respectfully.[101] Harvey cited the example of Maori communities in New Zealand, who frequently offer karakia invocations to sugariness potatoes as they dig the latter up; while doing so there is an sensation of a kinship relationship betwixt the Maori and the sugariness potatoes, with both understood as having arrived in Aotearoa together in the same canoes.[101]

In other instances, animists believe that interaction with plant and fungi persons can result in the advice of things unknown or even otherwise unknowable.[100] Among some modern Pagans, for instance, relationships are cultivated with specific trees, who are understood to bestow cognition or physical gifts, such as flowers, sap, or woods that tin be used as firewood or to mode into a wand; in return, these Pagans give offerings to the tree itself, which can come up in the form of libations of mead or ale, a drop of blood from a finger, or a strand of wool.[102]

The elements [edit]

Various animistic cultures besides comprehend stones as persons.[103] Discussing ethnographic work conducted among the Ojibwe, Harvey noted that their gild generally conceived of stones equally being inanimate, but with two notable exceptions: the stones of the Bell Rocks and those stones which are situated beneath copse struck by lightning, which were understood to take go Thunderers themselves.[104] The Ojibwe conceived of conditions as existence capable of having personhood, with storms being conceived of equally persons known equally 'Thunderers' whose sounds conveyed communications and who engaged in seasonal conflict over the lakes and forests, throwing lightning at lake monsters.[104] Air current, similarly, tin be conceived as a person in animistic thought.[105]

The importance of place is besides a recurring element of animism, with some places being understood to exist persons in their own right.[106]

Spirits [edit]

Animism can also entail relationships being established with not-corporeal spirit entities.[107]

Other usage [edit]

Science [edit]

In the early 20th century, William McDougall defended a form of animism in his book Torso and Mind: A History and Defence of Animism (1911).

Physicist Nick Herbert has argued for "quantum animism" in which the heed permeates the world at every level:

The quantum consciousness assumption, which amounts to a kind of "quantum animism" likewise asserts that consciousness is an integral part of the physical world, not an emergent property of special biological or computational systems. Since everything in the world is on some level a breakthrough system, this supposition requires that everything be conscious on that level. If the world is truly breakthrough animated, so there is an immense amount of invisible inner experience going on all effectually us that is presently inaccessible to humans, considering our own inner lives are imprisoned inside a small breakthrough system, isolated deep in the meat of an creature brain.[108]

Werner Krieglstein wrote regarding his quantum Animism:

Herbert'due south quantum Animism differs from traditional Animism in that it avoids assuming a dualistic model of heed and matter. Traditional dualism assumes that some kind of spirit inhabits a body and makes it move, a ghost in the automobile. Herbert'southward quantum Animism presents the idea that every natural system has an inner life, a conscious center, from which information technology directs and observes its action.[109]

In Error and Loss: A Licence to Enchantment,[110] Ashley Curtis (2018) has argued that the Cartesian idea of an experiencing subject facing off with an inert concrete world is incoherent at its very foundation and that this incoherence is predicted rather than belied past Darwinism. Man reason (and its rigorous extension in the natural sciences) fits an evolutionary niche just equally echolocation does for bats and infrared vision does for pit vipers, and is—according to western scientific discipline's own dictates—epistemologically on par with, rather than superior to, such capabilities. The meaning or aliveness of the "objects" we come across—rocks, trees, rivers, other animals—thus depends its validity non on a discrete cognitive judgment, but purely on the quality of our feel. The animist experience, and the wolf's or raven'due south feel, thus become licensed as equally valid worldviews to the modern western scientific one; they are more valid, since they are not plagued with the incoherence that inevitably crops up[ colloquialism ] when "objective existence" is separated from "subjective feel".

Socio-political touch [edit]

Harvey opined that animism's views on personhood represented a radical claiming to the dominant perspectives of modernity, considering information technology accords "intelligence, rationality, consciousness, volition, agency, intentionality, language, and desire" to non-humans.[111] Similarly, it challenges the view of human uniqueness that is prevalent in both Abrahamic religions and Western rationalism.[112]

Art and literature [edit]

Animist beliefs can as well be expressed through artwork.[113] For example, amongst the Maori communities of New Zealand, in that location is an acknowledgement that creating art through carving forest or stone entails violence confronting the wood or rock person and that the persons who are damaged therefore take to be placated and respected during the process; any backlog or waste product from the creation of the artwork is returned to the land, while the artwork itself is treated with particular respect.[114] Harvey, therefore, argued that the creation of fine art amidst the Maori was not about creating an inanimate object for brandish, just rather a transformation of different persons within a relationship.[115]

Harvey expressed the view that animist worldviews were present in various works of literature, citing such examples as the writings of Alan Garner, Leslie Silko, Barbara Kingsolver, Alice Walker, Daniel Quinn, Linda Hogan, David Abram, Patricia Grace, Chinua Achebe, Ursula Le Guin, Louise Erdrich, and Marge Piercy.[116]

Animist worldviews accept as well been identified in the animated films of Hayao Miyazaki.[117] [118] [119] [120]

Run across also [edit]

  • Anecdotal cognitivism
  • Animatism
  • Anima mundi
  • Ecotheology
  • Hylozoism
  • Mana
  • Mauri (life strength)
  • Kaitiaki
  • Panpsychism
  • Religion and environmentalism
  • Sacred copse
  • Wildlife totemization

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Sources [edit]

  • Abram, David (1996). The Spell of the Sensuous: Perception and Language in a More-than-Human Globe . New York: Pantheon Books. ISBN9780679438199.
  • Adler, Margot (2006) [1979]. Drawing Down the Moon: Witches, Druids, Goddess-Worshippers and Other Pagans in America (Revised ed.). London: Penguin. ISBN978-0-14-303819-i.
  • Armstrong, Karen (1994). A History of God: The four,000-Year Quest of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Ballantine Books.
  • Bird-David, Nurit (2000). ""Animism" Revisited: Personhood, Environment, and Relational Epistemology". Current Anthropology. 41 (S1): 67–91. doi:10.1086/200061.
  • Curtis, Ashley (2018). Error and Loss: A Licence to Enchantment. Zürich: Kommode Verlag.
  • Dean, Bartholomew (2009). Urarina Order, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia. Gainesville: University Printing of Florida. ISBN978-0-8130-3378-five.
  • Fernandez-Armesto, Felipe (2003). Ideas that Changed the World. Dorling Kindersley.
  • Forbes, Andrew; Henley, David (2012). "Lamphun'due south Little-Known Animal Shrines (Animist traditions in Thailand)". Aboriginal Chiang Mai. Vol. ane. Chiang Mai: Cognoscenti Books.
  • Guthrie, Stewart (2000). "On Animism". Current Anthropology. 41 (one): 106–107. doi:x.1086/300107. JSTOR 10.1086/300107. PMID 10593728. S2CID 224796411.
  • Harvey, Graham (2005). Animism: Respecting the Living World. London: Hurst & Co. ISBN978-0-231-13701-0.
  • Insoll, Timothy (2004). Archeology, Ritual, Religion. London: Routledge. ISBN978-0-415-25312-three.
  • Lonie, Alexander Charles Oughter (1878). "Animism". In Baynes, T. S. (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. ii (9th ed.). New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. pp. 55–57.
  • Segal, Robert (2004). Myth: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press.
  • "Animism". The Columbia Encyclopedia (6th ed.). Bartleby.com Inc. 2007. Archived from the original on 9 February 2007.

Further reading [edit]

  • Abram, David. 2010. Condign Animal: An Earthly Cosmology (New York: Pantheon Books)
  • Badenberg, Robert. 2007. "How virtually 'Animism'? An Inquiry beyond Label and Legacy." In Mission als Kommunikation: Festschrift für Ursula Wiesemann zu ihrem 75, Geburtstag, edited past K. W. Müller. Nürnberg: VTR (ISBN 978-3-937965-75-8) and Bonn: VKW (ISBN 978-three-938116-33-3).
  • Hallowell, Alfred Irving. 1960. "Ojibwa ontology, behavior, and world view." In Culture in History, edited past S. Diamond. (New York: Columbia Academy Press).
    • Reprint: 2002. Pp. 17–49 in Readings in Indigenous Religions, edited by G. Harvey. London: Continuum.
  • Harvey, Graham. 2005. Animism: Respecting the Living World. London: Hurst & Co.
  • Ingold, Tim. 2006. "Rethinking the breathing, re-animating thought." Ethnos 71(i):ix–twenty.
  • Käser, Lothar. 2004. Animismus. Eine Einführung in die begrifflichen Grundlagen des Welt- und Menschenbildes traditionaler (ethnischer) Gesellschaften für Entwicklungshelfer und kirchliche Mitarbeiter in Übersee. Bad Liebenzell: Liebenzeller Mission. ISBN 3-921113-61-X.
    • mit dem verkürzten Untertitel Einführung in seine begrifflichen Grundlagen auch bei: Erlanger Verlag für Mission und Okumene, Neuendettelsau 2004, ISBN 3-87214-609-2
  • Quinn, Daniel. [1996] 1997. The Story of B: An Gamble of the Mind and Spirit. New York: Runted Books.
  • Thomas, Northcote Whitridge (1911). "Anet". In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. ii (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 53–55.
  • Wundt, Wilhelm. 1906. Mythus und Religion, Teil II. Leipzig 1906 (Völkerpsychologie Two)

External links [edit]

  • Animism, Rinri, Modernization; the Base of Japanese Robotics
  • Urban Legends Reference Pages: Weight of the Soul
  • Animist Network

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